FN avdekket kritikkverdige forhold i Tigray-flyktningleirer

Utrop | Titusenvis av eritreiske flyktninger har et presserende behov for hjelp i krigsrammede Tigray nord i Etiopia, ifølge FNs høykommissær for flyktninger (UNHCR).

Nylig fikk FN-organet tilgang til området, noe som skjedde to måneder etter at konflikten tvang humanitære arbeidere til å forlate Tigray-regionen.

Ifølge talsperson Babar Baloch for UNHCR er forholdene kritikkverdige i to flyktningleirer i den krigsrammede Tigray-regionen nord i Etiopia

Manglende drivstoff til brønnpumper gjorde at flyktninger måtte bruke vann fra en bekk til vask, matlaging og som drikkevann, noe som resulterte i diarélignende sykdommer.

Over 4,5 millioner mennesker trenger akutt mat, viser et referat fra et krisemøte mellom hjelpearbeidere, regjeringen og lokale myndigheter 1. januar. Det tilsvarer nesten hele Tigrays befolkning.

Den etiopiske hæren startet i november en omfattende militæroffensiv mot opprørere i den nordlige Tigray-regionen. Titusenvis flyktet, og FN har varslet om grove menneskerettighetsbrudd.

(©NTB)

Sudan calls on Ethiopia to withdraw its forces from the disputed Al-Fashaqa region

Source: Ecofin Agency |

Following an emergency meeting of its Security and Defense Council on Jan 17, Sudan called on the Ethiopian government to withdraw its forces from the Al-Fashaqa region, which the two countries have been disputing on for years.

“Despite the military mobilization and build-up carried out by Ethiopia in the areas facing our forces in Al-Fashaqa, we confirm that our forces will remain in their lands to preserve sovereignty stipulated in the charters and agreements that affirm Sudan’s entitlement,” Sudanese Defense Minister Lieutenant General Yassin Ibrahim Yassin said in a press release.

He called on Ethiopia to “withdraw its forces from the remaining positions it still occupies in Maraghad, Khor Hamar, and Ghatar (in the Al-Fashaqa region, ed) as soon as possible in compliance with international treaties and the sustainability of good-neighborly relations.”

The battle between the two countries over this region, inhabited by Ethiopian farmers (who operate land claimed by Sudan), has sharply increased in recent weeks. On Thursday, Sudanese authorities banned flights over the border area after declaring that an Ethiopian military plane had violated Sudanese airspace in a “dangerous and unjustified escalation.” The allegations were denied on Friday by the Ethiopian army chief of staff, General Berhanu Gula.

Last week, Sudan claimed at least five people died in border attacks by Ethiopian government-backed militias and that it will use all “available means” to respond. Earlier in December, Sudan accused Ethiopian “forces and militias” of ambushing Sudanese troops along the border, killing four people and wounding more than 20. The incident resulted in a large number of Sudanese military backups being sent to the border with Ethiopia to “recover land usurped by Ethiopian militias.”

Abdel-Fattah al-Burhan, Chairman of the Sovereignty Council of Sudan, said on Saturday his country did not mean to start a war with Ethiopia and has no interest in doing so. Sudan just wants to protect its border rights.

In a press conference on Friday, the Ethiopian army chief of staff also said Addis Ababa has no interest in going to war with Sudan. He added that if the Ethiopian army went to war, “we would not hide.”

The commander of the Ethiopian army added that a small group within the Sudanese government is working for the benefit of a third party and is standing behind the incursions.

The Al-Fashaqa region borders the Tigray region of Ethiopia where the Ethiopian government has been waging a military campaign against the TPLF since November; a conflict that has led to the exodus of more than 45,000 Ethiopian refugees to Sudan, according to the United Nations.

Sivile til Bistandsaktuelt: Etiopia og Eritrea kjemper side om side i Tigray

©Bistandsaktuelt | Etiopias regjering avviser alle påstander om at Eritrea har vært involvert i krigen i Tigray. Sivile tigrayere som Bistandsaktuelt har snakket med forteller en helt annen historie. Eritreiske soldater har deltatt – og har stått bak plyndring, vandalisme og drap.

EUs utenriksminister Joseph Borrell annonserte sist fredag at EU stopper all budsjettstøtte til Etiopias regjering – bistand til en samlet verdi av drøyt 900 millioner kroner.

Den direkte årsaken var at Etiopia har nektet humanitære aktører tilgang til hjelpetrengende sivile i den krigsherjede Tigray-regionen. I tillegg uttrykker EU sterk bekymring over en rekke rapporter om etnisk baserte drap og krigsforbrytelser begått under militæroperasjonene i Tigray. På basis av sine rapporter fastslår EU samtidig at også eritreiske styrker har deltatt i krigshandlingene og overgrep mot sivile. Begge deler er stikk i strid med hva Etiopias regjering har hevdet.

Ifølge EU skal eritreiske og etiopiske myndigheter også ha samarbeidet om å pågripe og tvangsreturnere eritreiske flyktninger som var i FN-leirer i Tigray til hjemlandet. Dette skal ha startet allerede før krigshandlingene i november.

Soldater plyndret moské

Bistandsaktuelt har vært i kontakt med ulike tigrayiske sivile som alle bekrefter eritreiske soldaters rolle i krigføringen. Vi har blant annet snakket med folk fra Wukro, en by 35 kilometer fra provinshovedstaden Mekele.

Dette er en av byene i Tigray som var utsatt for omfattende ødeleggelser og plyndring under kampene i regionen. De langvarige kampene i utkanten av byen førte blant annet til store skader og plyndring av Al-Nejashi-moskeen, en historisk moské bygd på 600-tallet av profeten Mohammeds første tilhengere.

Noen sier det var eritreiske styrker, sammen med den etiopiske hæren, som ødela og plyndret moskeen. Andre hevder det var TPLF-lojale styrker som gjorde det, som ledd i en strategi for å trekke muslimer med i kampene.

Wukro ligger bare vel 260 kilometer fra Eritreas hovedstad Asmara. Ifølge vitner som bodde i Wukro kom det en strøm av eritreiske soldater dit under krigen i Tigray.

– De plyndret banken

Vi snakker med «Aida» (Bistandsaktuelt kjenner hennes egentlig navn, men har valgt å anonymisere) som er bankfunksjonær og arbeidet i Wukro. På grunn av kampene i byen bor hun nå hos sine foreldre i Mekele. Noen få bankfilialer har åpnet i Mekele, men i Wukro er de fortsatt stengt. Grunnen er at de ble plyndret ev eritreiske soldater, ifølge «Aida».

– Da den eritreiske hæren tok kontroll over Wukro, brøt eritreiske soldater seg inn i alle banker og stjal alt som var, sier «Aida».

– Jeg er arbeidsledig nå. Selv om jeg fortsatt mottar lønn, har jeg ikke noe håp om å komme tilbake på jobb med det første. Det vil ta tid å reorganisere bankfilialen jeg arbeidet for, fordi de eritreiske soldatene lot ikke engang en eneste stol bli igjen, sier hun.

– De er her blant oss

Liknende rapporter om plyndring og drap utført av eritreiske soldater er blitt vanlige i Tigray. Eritreiske styrker skal angivelig være til stede i de mest utilgjengelige delene av Tigray, der de plyndrer og dreper sivile. Ifølge et øyenvitne ble de også sett i Mekele så sent som i midten av januar.

– De er her blant oss, sier en mann vi snakker med som bor i Mekele.

En annen mann vi får kontakt med på telefon kommer fra Adigrat, en annen by som skal ha blitt utsatt for eritreiske soldaters plyndring, er på et kort opphold i Mekele. Han bekrefter at eritreiske styrker deltar i krigen i Tigray.

– Jeg kan ikke skjønne hvorfor det stilles spørsmåltegn ved dette. Eritreiske styrker var uten tvil i Adigrat da hæren tok kontroll over byen. De er der fremdeles. De går fritt omkring, de plyndrer alt, de dreper sivile. Vi ser dem hver dag. Dette er fakta, sier han.

– De ruinerte byen

Ifølge denne kilden har eritreerne “ruinert byen”.

– Men nå blir det færre av dem. Jeg tror det kommer av presset mot Abiy-regjeringen i internasjonale medier. Jeg tror regjeringen gir dem ordre om å dra tilbake. De er ikke så mange som før, legger han til.

Det er vanskelig å få bekreftet eller avkreftet rapportene om krigshandlinger, siden store deler av regionen fortsatt er utilgjengelig.

Etiopia og Eritrea var i mange år i krig, og mange mennesker ble drept i krigen. Hatet er ennå sterkt hos mange etiopiere, ikke minst i Tigray som var krigsarena og har grense mot Eritrea. Dersom meldingene om at eritreiske styrker har deltatt i krigen i Tigray er riktige, betyr det at statsminister Abiy Ahmed har begått forræderi mot sitt eget folk ved å alliere seg med en annen makt, vil mange etiopiere mene.

Abiys regjering avviser beskyldningene som falske.

– TPLF laget falske uniformer!

Nebyu Sehulmicheal er leder for regjeringspartiet Tigray Prosperity Party (Abiy Ahmeds parti). Ifølge han er det andre grupper som står bak plyndringene og drapene.

– Før de ble drevet ut av Mekele, produserte TPLF eritreiske uniformer. Det var for å lure folk til å tro at Eritrea var involvert i krigen. De laget også uniformene til den nasjonale hæren. Like før de ble slått, løslot de i tillegg mer enn 10 000 fanger fra hele Tigray, som var fengslet for alvorlige forbrytelser. Alt dette var en TPLF-konspirasjon for å destabilisere overgangsregjeringen i Tigray, sier Nebyu.

Bistandsaktuelt har spurt kildene som forteller om eritreiske soldater i Tigray, hvordan de kan vite at det virkelig er soldater fra den eritreiske hæren og ikke grupper organisert av TPLF? Folk fra Tigray og Eritrea snakker jo samme språk.

– Jeg hørte det på aksenten deres. Eritreere har en annen aksent enn tigrayere. Alle kan skille dem fra hverandre på måten de snakker. Jeg er ganske sikker på at de var eritreere, svarer «Aida».

– På aksenten, men også fordi de kjører gamle lastebiler. Lastebilene deres er forskjellige fra de etiopiske. Jeg har med egne øyne sett eritreisk nummerskilt på en av lastebilene deres, svarer mannen fra Mekele.

– På språket, uniformene og utseende – de ser veldig fattigslige ut, svarer han fra Adigrat.

Sensitivt spørsmål

Etiopiske samfunnsforskere og eksperter som følger nøye med på disse spørsmålene, avstår fra å gi offentlige kommentarer. De ser temaet som meget sensitivt, og de fleste frykter reaksjoner fra myndighetene. Men en etiopisk forsker som er ekspert på Afrikas Horn kommenterer anonymt:

– Det er vanskelig å kommentere dette spørsmålet i en situasjon der det ikke finnes konkrete bevis for situasjonen på bakken. Så det vi kan gjøre er å analysere rapportene i lys av tidligere trender, framferden til den eritreiske regjeringen og dens tidligere forhold til Etiopia, sier eksperten.

Eksperten mener det er så godt som sikkert at Abiy fikk indirekte støtte fra Eritrea til å kaste ut TPLF.

– Det er ingen tvil om at Eritreas regjering er en svoren fiende av TPLF. De har i årevis arbeidet for å styrte TPLF, fordi TPLF sto i veien for deres økonomiske interesser med Etiopia, sier eksperten, som legger til at Eritrea framskyndet TPLFs nederlag ved å hjelpe etiopiske soldater som flyktet til Asmara i første fase av krigen, samt gjennom diplomatisk støtte.

Afwerki besøkte Egypt og Sudan

– Eritreas president Isaias Afwerki var i Sudan og Egypt under Tigray-krigen. Det er svært sannsynlig at han overtalte de to landene til ikke å støtte TPLF. Isaias har avhjulpet de diplomatiske utfordringene Abiy kunne stått overfor ved å justere det regionale diplomatiet til Etiopias fordel, sier eksperten.

I et ekstraordinært møte i nasjonalforsamlingen 30. november vedgikk statsminister Abiy selv at Eritrea hadde utstyrt og forpleid etiopiske styrker som søkte tilflukt i Asmara.

Påstandene om eritreisk innblanding i Tigray har lenge blitt framsatt av TPLF. Selv før krigen hevdet TPLF at Abiy og Isaias hadde en plan om krig mot Tigray. Abiy avviser påstandene som sprø propaganda.

Både 14. og 27. november skjøt TPLF raketter mot Eritreas hovedstad, med begrunnelsen at Eritrea sendte soldater til Tigray på invitasjon fra Abiy Ahmed. Eritrea nektet for at de var involvert. Men medier med tilknytning til opposisjonsgrupper i Eritrea rapporterte samtidig om Eritreas engasjement i Tigray-krigen.

Topp-militær og ordfører bekreftet

Generalmajor Belay Seyoum i den etiopiske hæren sa 25. desember at eritreiske styrker hadde rykket inn i Etiopia uten invitasjon. Generalen sa dette da han svarte på spørsmål fra innbyggere i Mekele under et offentlig møte med overgangsregjeringen i Tigray. På det samme møtet opplyste den nåværende ordføreren i Mekele, Atkelt Haileselassie, at regjeringen arbeider hardt for å få disse styrkene til å forlate Tigray.

En talsperson for USAs utenriksdepartement sa 10. desember til nyhetsbyrået Reuters at påstander om Eritreas deltakelse i Tigray-krigen var basert på troverdige rapporter. Talspersonen oppfordret Eritrea sterkt til å trekke sine styrker ut av Tigray.

Forrige uke ba Ethiopian Citizens for Justice, et nasjonal-liberalt opposisjonsparti dannet av den prominente politikeren Berhanu Nega, om et klart svar fra Abiy-regjeringen om eventuell involvering fra andre land i krigen i Tigray.

Situation Report EEPA HORN No. 61 – 20 January 2021

Europe External Programme with Africa is a Belgium-based Centre of Expertise with in-depth knowledge, publications, and networks, specialised in issues of peace building, refugee protection and resilience in the Horn of Africa. EEPA has published extensively on issues related to movement and/or human trafficking of refugees in the Horn of Africa and on the Central Mediterranean Route. It cooperates with a wide network of Universities, research organisations, civil society and experts from Ethiopia, Eritrea, Kenya, Djibouti, Somalia, Sudan, South Sudan, Uganda and across Africa. Key in-depth publications can be accessed on the website.

Reported war situation (as confirmed per 19 January)

● Reported that 9.2% or about 65,000 children under five years of age in Tigray are suffering from acute nutritional deficiency such as wasting.

● Reported that 5 families have been found dead of starvation in Erop, Eastern part of Tigray.

● A video and pictures have emerged showing the extent of the damage Eritrea and Ethiopian forces caused to Cherkos Church in Zalanbesa, Tigray. The church was carved during the 5th century. It appears bombed and looted and one side is completely destroyed.

● More pictures coming out from Wukro, 40 km from Mekelle showing buildings, hotels, shops, banks and cars heavily destroyed, allegedly by Eritrean and ENDF allied forces.

● Osman Abukar Dubbe, Minister of Information from Somalia, denies reports that Somali soldiers took part in the conflict in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region. He states reports that hundreds of Somali soldiers were killed in the conflict is untrue.

● Other sources continue to stand by the story that Somali youth are fighting in Tigray. The reported number of soldiers that would have been sent to Tigray varies.

Reported situation in Ethiopia (as confirmed per 19 January)

● The Electoral Board of Ethiopia states that it canceled the license of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF). Elections are due on 5 June. The TPLF held an election in Tigray on 9 Sept which the TPLF won.

Reported International situation (as confirmed per 19 January)

● The European Union is sending the Finnish foreign minister Pekka Haavisto to negotiate with the Ethiopian government to open up a full access humanitarian corridor in Tigray. Pekka Havvisto intends to report back to the EU Council.

● The top priority of the EU is full humanitarian access: “International humanitarian law is not about giving access to government-controlled areas (..) International humanitarian law means giving access to all areas where people need us, and it’s very clear that this is not the case with the current agreement. We have told the Ethiopians that we stand ready to negotiate something different, but what is now on the table is not working.”

● UNHCR led the first humanitarian mission to the refugee camps Mai Aini and Adi Harush in Tigray and found thousands of Eritrean refugees in “desperate need” of supplies and services. Ethiopia granted UNHCR a one-time access to conduct a needs assessment, in the two camps. UNHCR did not receive authorisation to enter two other camps, believed to be under intense strain.

● A second EU official stated that the approach by the UN, based on the idea that some access was better than no access at all, had failed, and stated: “The government is still claiming that things are getting better, at least where they have control. It’s not true. It doesn’t work.”

● A spokesperson for the European Commission’s development department said Ethiopia will have to comply with the following conditions before the EU will disburse future budget support: “Granting full humanitarian access for relief actors to reach people in need in all affected areas, in line with International Humanitarian Law. Civilians must be able to seek refuge in neighboring countries. Ethnically targeted measures and hate speech must stop. Mechanisms to monitor human rights violations must be put in place to investigate allegations of breach of Human Rights. Communication lines and media access to Tigray should be fully re-established.”

● Reported that both the Ethiopian prime minister’s spokeswoman Billene Seyoum and Tigray’s interim Governor Mulu Nega are yet to respond to emailed queries seeking insight on the matter of humanitarian assistance reaching Tigray, Al Jazeera states.

● Mehari Taddele Maru, a professor at the European University Institute, alleged the refusal to allow unhindered access to the region was meant to keep news of starvation and abuses by state forces under the wraps. (AJ)

● Mehari Taddele Maru states that the “Deliberate obstruction of humanitarian access is a classic method of systematic starvation of people (..) Ethiopian government and Eritrean troops continue to obstruct access to humanitarian aid. The blanket continues and thus first-hand information is almost impossible to get. The restriction of information is in itself a crime of the state to hide other crimes.”

● Murithi Mutiga, Horn of Africa project director for the International Crisis Group comments on the looming famine: “In past conflicts, mass starvation in parts of Tigray has stiffened local resistance and led to prolonged conflict” (AJ)

● Murithi Mutiga states that “If the government is to be taken at its word that its campaign is aimed only at ousting the TPLF and not at harming the Tigrayan people, they should swiftly accede to the demands of humanitarian agencies for access to Tigray and even to areas TPLF forces may still control to avoid a humanitarian catastrophe.”

● Daniel Bekele, Ethiopia’s human rights commissioner, said greater access to media, human rights groups, and international organisations should be allowed and that civilian-military coordination was needed to smooth out hurdles in humanitarian access. ( 6/1, online briefing by the Geneva Press Club)

● The Sudanese government has launched an appeal to the international community to provide urgent aid and to increase support and contributions to help Ethiopian refugees who fled to eastern Sudan as a result of the fight in the Tigray region.

● Responding to the alleged attack on people at the Maryam Zion Church in Aksum, Michael Gervers, professor of history, University of Toronto, states: “The government and the Eritreans want to wipe out the Tigrayan culture. (..) The looting is about destroying and removing the cultural presence of Tigray.”

● Canada expresses concern of the humanitarian situation in Tigray, the situation of refugees and the “continued barriers to humanitarian access”. The Government of Canada states that the “protection of civilians must be upheld in accordance with international law & humanitarian principles”.

● Diaspora kids from Tigray publish “A New Song” to stop the war in Tigray.

Disclaimer:

All information in this situation report is presented as a fluid update report, as to the best knowledge and understanding of the authors at the moment of publication. EEPA does not claim that the information is correct but verifies to the best of ability within the circumstances. Publication is weighed on the basis of interest to understand potential impacts of events (or perceptions of these) on the situation. Check all information against updates and other media. EEPA does not take responsibility for the use of the information or impact thereof. All information reported originates from third parties and the content of all reported and linked information remains the sole responsibility of these third parties. Report to info@eepa.be any additional information and corrections.

Links of interest

19/01/2021 News and Commentaries

  1. ‘Swift action’ needed in Tigray to save thousands at risk, UNHCR warns. UN News
  2. Starvation crisis looms as aid groups seek urgent Tigray access. Al Jazeera
  3. Can Ethiopia heal after the TPLF killings? The African Report
  4. ‘No Somali soldier killed in Ethiopia-Tigray conflict’ Anadolu Agency
  5. Anthony Blinken | Actions of the Ethiopian federal government could destabilize the Horn Of Africa. YouTube
  6. Somali mothers protest in Galkayo demanding answers to whereabouts of their missing children.
  7. China at the heart of rising Nile River conflict Asian Times
  8. Podcast: Red Sea rivalries: The Gulf, the Horn, and the new geopolitics of the Red Sea. Brookings | Transcript

 

1. ‘Swift action’ needed in Tigray to save thousands at risk, UNHCR warns. UN News

” … help is urgently needed for the tens of thousands of Eritrean refugees in northern Ethiopia”

 

2. Starvation crisis looms as aid groups seek urgent Tigray access. Al Jazeera

Humanitarians sound alarm for millions of people in need of emergency assistance in Ethiopia’s conflict-hit northern region.

“People are dying of starvation. In Adwa, people are dying while they are sleeping. [It’s] also the same in other zones in the region,” said Berhane Gebretsadik, interim

“Deliberate obstruction of humanitarian access is a classic method of systematic starvation of people,” Mehari told Al Jazeera. “Ethiopian government and Eritrean troops continue to obstruct access to humanitarian aid. The blanket continues and thus first-hand information is almost impossible to get. The restriction of information is in itself a crime of the state to hide other crimes.”

 

3. Can Ethiopia heal after the TPLF killings? The African Report

“It is difficult, the defence force is in a very remote region. We cannot bury everyone, if we could we would. Their families can ask for their bodies.” ENDF’s Brigadier General Tesfaye Ayaylew says.

 

4. Anthony Blinken | Actions of the Ethiopian federal government could destabilize the Horn Of Africa. YouTube

Joe Biden’s candidate for the US State Department, Anthony Blinken, said before the Senate, “We are concerned about the actions of the #Ethiopia|n federal government and what is happening there could destabilize the #HornOfAfrica.”

 

5. ‘No Somali soldier killed in Ethiopia-Tigray conflict’ Anadolu Agency 

  • Mogadishu denies claims that hundreds of Somali soldiers killed while fighting against Tigray rebels

 

6. Somali mothers protest in Galkayo demanding answers to whereabouts of their missing children.  

 

7. China at the heart of rising Nile River conflict. Asian Times

China-financed Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam is Africa’s largest and most divisive development project.

The Chinese-financed Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), despite a recent breakdown in talks on Africa’s largest development project, risks powering up a range of downstream tensions and rivalries.

These run from rising rivalry between Egypt and Ethiopia to a festering border war between Ethiopia and neighboring Sudan. At stake, too, is the future of almost 90% of the water in the Nile River, the world’s longest waterway.

 

8. Red Sea rivalries: The Gulf, the Horn, and the new geopolitics of the Red Sea. Brookings | Transcript

The emergence of the Red Sea as a common political and economic arena offers opportunities for development and integration, but it also poses considerable risks. As Gulf countries seek to expand their influence in the Horn of Africa, they risk exporting Middle Eastern rivalries to a region that has plenty of its own; and they aren’t the only outside powers now paying attention. China recently established its first-ever overseas military base in Djibouti, just six miles from the only U.S. base in Africa. Amid historic changes in the Horn and a rapidly-changing landscape in the Red Sea, states with different cultures, models of government, and styles of diplomacy are shaping a new frontier where the rules of the game are yet to be written.

EU to dispatch humanitarian negotiator to Ethiopia after aid suspension

Source: Devex | Vince Chadwick

The European Union is preparing to send Finnish foreign minister Pekka Haavisto to negotiate with the Ethiopian government as it pushes for unfettered access for humanitarians in the conflict-torn Tigray region.

EU foreign affairs chief Josep Borrell raised the possible visit on a Jan. 9 phone call with Ethiopia’s Deputy Prime Minister Demeke Mekonnen, a spokesperson for the European External Action Service told Devex Monday, adding that the idea was “welcomed.”

The move comes after the EU announced its decision Friday to halt budget support for Ethiopia over the lack of humanitarian access in Tigray.

Haavisto is an experienced Greens politician and former development minister who has acted as a special representative and adviser in Africa for Finland, the EU, and United Nations, notably in Darfur. An EU official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said that Borrell accepted Haavisto’s offer to act on his behalf in talks with the Ethiopian government due to his high-level contacts and experience in the region.

Haavisto’s precise mandate and mission will be finalized in the coming days, the official said, with the current plan for him to travel to Ethiopia in time to report back to a Feb. 22 meeting of EU foreign ministers. Haavisto’s office declined to comment.

Last Friday, Borrell outlined the EU’s decision to stop sending development assistance directly to the Ethiopian government, citing restricted humanitarian access amid “reports of ethnic-targeted violence, killings, massive looting, rapes, forceful returns of refugees and possible war crimes.”

“In the absence of full humanitarian access to all areas of the conflict, we have no alternative but to postpone the planned disbursement of €88 million [$106.7 million] in budget support,” Borrell wrote in a blog post.

The figure includes the suspension of three planned payments: €60 million for regional connectivity, €17.5 million for a health sector transformation plan, and €11 million for job creation.

“We were under circumstances under which by no means we could give a single euro of the EU budget to this government, because of what’s going on,” the EU official told Devex.

A spokesperson for the European Commission’s development department said Ethiopia will have to comply with the following conditions before the EU will disburse future budget support:

  • “Granting full humanitarian access for relief actors to reach people in need in all affected areas, in line with International Humanitarian Law.
  • Civilians must be able to seek refuge in neighboring countries.
  • Ethnically targeted measures and hate speech must stop.
  • Mechanisms to monitor human rights violations must be put in place to investigate allegations of breach of Human Rights.
  • Communication lines and media access to Tigray should be fully re-established.”

The move only affects budget support, which goes directly to the government. Other development modalities, such as funding channeled through NGOs, and humanitarian programs will continue. Last month, the EU increased its emergency aid to the region by €23.7 million.

The spokesperson did not respond to questions on how the suspension would affect the EU’s 2021-2027 development work in Ethiopia, which is currently being programmed.

Ethiopia is one of the top recipients of official development assistance from the EU. It was allocated €815 million for the 2014-2020 budgetary period, plus more than €400 million from the EU Trust Fund for Africa.

The EU official said that the European commissioners responsible for development, humanitarian aid and foreign affairs will discuss in the coming weeks how the current situation could affect the amount and implementing modalities for 2021-2027. However, it would be counterproductive to try to use the programming process as leverage against Ethiopia, the official added, arguing it would only harm the relationship and recalling that Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed has plenty of other partners.

Stefano Manservisi, the head of the commission’s development department from 2016 to 2019 and now a distinguished non-resident fellow at the Center for Global Development, said suspending budget support was an understandable move in the circumstances. But he underscored the need to maintain “constant, daily dialogue” with Abiy and others in order to preserve relations with Ethiopia.

“Here, we are talking about one of our biggest partners and strategic allies in the Horn [of Africa],” Manservisi told Devex. “[Ethiopia is] one of the biggest African states, from which depends the stability not only of the Horn but also of big parts of eastern Africa and Africa at large.”

The United Nations reached an agreement with the Ethiopian government late last year on humanitarian access in government-controlled areas, but EU officials argue that this is insufficient.

“International humanitarian law is not about giving access to government-controlled areas,” the EU official told Devex. “International humanitarian law means giving access to all areas where people need us, and it’s very clear that this is not the case with the current agreement. We have told the Ethiopians that we stand ready to negotiate something different, but what is now on the table is not working.”

A spokesperson for U.N. Secretary-General António Guterres told reporters Friday that despite some progress, “humanitarian relief operations continue to be constrained by the lack of full, safe and unhindered access to Tigray caused by both insecurity and bureaucratic obstacles imposed by federal and regional authorities.”

A second EU official told Devex that the U.N.’s initial approach — that some access was better than none — had failed. “The government is still claiming that things are getting better, at least where they have control,” the second official said. “It’s not true. It doesn’t work.”

The Ethiopian government did not respond to requests for comment.

Kapuściński and the Autocrats

Source: Book and Film Globe |  Neal Pollack

The late Polish journalist, like no other writer, understood societies in crisis

Everyone’s busy checking Orwell out of the library and pretending to read 1984 right now, because apparently we live in an “Orwellian” reality. But if you really want to understand, or at least try to understand, what’s going on in America, I recommend reading Ryszard Kapuściński instead. Kapuściński was a Polish journalist who had more courage on an average Tuesday than you or I have had in our entire lives. He spent decades reporting from the most dangerous war zones on Earth. He would find what’s going on in the States tragic and comic in equal measure. Kapuściński saw what really happens when societies descend into revolt.

[…] Kapuściński had many specialities as a writer, but his best literary trick was explaining autocrats, how they work, and how societies function under them. In particular, his masterpieces, Shah of Shahs, about the end of the Iranian monarchy and the rise of the caliphate, and The Emperor, about the terrifying reign of Ethopia’s monarch Halie Selassie, can help shed some understanding on what’s going on today.

[…]

The Emperor

Ethiopia doesn’t exist in the American consciousness at all, except for guilt-making commercial pleas for aid during period famines, and as the source of culinary delicacies like injera bread and zilzil tibs for urban sophisticates. In the middle of the 20th century, though, it was a larger player on the world stage, first because Mussolini’s Italy invaded it, in a precursor to World War II. Then it’s “Emperor”, Halie Selassie, became a favored pet among the Western elite, even receiving Time’s “Man of the Year” award for resisting Mussolini even though he was hiding in the English town of Bath at the time.

In reality, as Kapuściński writes in his brilliant book The Emperor, Selassie was merely a savvy bureaucrat who wheedled his way to the throne, whispering society to bend to his whims and stealing countless billions to deposit into Swiss bank accounts. Whereas Shah of Shahs is a more on-the-ground “you are there” style of book, The Emperor comes in after Selassie death in 1975, when it’s relatively safe to talk about him and his misdeeds. Kapuściński, who covered Ethiopia during Selassie’s reign as well, seeks out the surviving members of Selassie’s court, as well as some of his former servants, to provide an account of life in the insanely privileged court of a country suffering from inconceivable poverty and starvation.

The pattern is somewhat similar to Iran’s: an elaborate system of favors and rewards, hoodwinking naive Westerners into donating capital and cash, and absolute incompetence at every level of society. Monstrous violence follows. Eventually, and pathetically, Selassie falls in a military coup. The palace empties. The Emperor has no clothes.

Aftermath

Kapuściński is equally harsh on these societies after the autocrats fall. What replaces the strongman is often just as murderous as before, if not more so. The mullah-ruled Iran is a mess of repression, spying, superstition, renunciations, and meaningless, bloody street demonstrations. In post-Selassie Ethiopia, he writes of the bizarre phenomenon of “fetasha“, which authorizes every citizen to search every other citizen at all times, without explanation:

“To get things under control, to disarm the opposition, the authorities order a complete fetasha [Amharic for search], covering everyone. We are searched incessantly. On the street, in the car, in front of the house, in the house, in the street, in front of the post office, in front of an office building, going into the editor’s office, the movie theatre, the church, in front of the bank, in front of the restaurant, in the market place, in the park. Anyone can search us because we don’t know who has the right and who hasn’t, and asking only makes thing worse. It’s better to give in. Somebody’s always searching us. Guys in rags with sticks, who don’t say anything, but only stop us and hold out their arms, which is the signal for us to do the same: get ready to be searched. They take everything out of our briefcases and pockets, look at it, act surprised, screw up their faces, nod their heads, whisper advice to each other. They frisk us: back, stomach, legs, shoes. And then what? Nothing, we can go on, until the next spreading of arms, until the next fetasha. The next one might be only a few steps on, and the whole thing starts all over again. The searchers never give you an acquittal, a general clearance, absolution. Every few minutes, every few steps, we have to clear ourselves again.”

[…]

Read the full article >>

750 reportedly dead after attack on Ethiopia church

Source: Christian Today

A Belgium-based peacebuilding non-profit is reporting 750 people killed in an attack on Ethiopia church.

The attack was detailed in the January 9 ‘Situation Report’ of the Europe External Programme with Africa (EEPA).

The non-profit said people who were hiding in the church were brought out and shot in the square in front of the building.

The attack happened at the Maryam Tsiyon Church in Aksum, also known as the Church of Our Lady Mary of Zion.

The church is located in Tigray, a region in the north that is home to many churches and monasteries but also beset by conflict.
The church is part of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, which has around 36 million members.

EEPA said that locals believe the attackers wanted to make off with the Ark of the Covenant believed by Ethiopian Christians to be housed in the church. The locals told EEPA that the attackers wanted to take the Ark of the Covenant to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa.

The organisation said the massacre was carried out by Ethiopian federal troops and Amhara militia.

Ethiopia is home to 36 million Orthodox Christians, the world’s second-largest Orthodox population after Russia.

750 killed at Ethiopian Orthodox church said to contain Ark of the Covenant

Report: Church Post

Ark of the Covenant for the Tabernacle replica at BYU in this photo from October 16, 2017. | (Wikimedia Commons)

Around 750 people were killed in an attack on an Orthodox church, which is said to contain the Ark of the Covenant described in the Book of Exodus in the Bible, in northern Ethiopia’s war-torn Tigray region — home to thousands of churches and monasteries — according to reports.

Hundreds of people hiding in Maryam Tsiyon Church in Aksum amid an armed conflict were brought out and shot to death, and local residents believe the aim was to take the Ark of Covenant to Addis Ababa, the Belgium-based nonprofit European External Programme with Africa reported in this month’s situational report, released on Jan. 9.

“The number of people killed is reported as 750,” it said. The church, the most ancient and sacred of Ethiopian Christianity and also known as the Church of St. Mary of Zion, belongs to the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church.

“I’ve not heard more than rumours about the looting of the Arc from Maryam Tsion, but if it’s true that up to 750 died defending it, it is conceivable that the attackers didn’t stop there,” said Michael Gervers, a professor of history at the University of Toronto, according to The Telegraph.

“The government and the Eritreans want to wipe out the Tigrayan culture. They think they’re better than rest of the people in the country. The looting is about destroying and removing the cultural presence of Tigray,” Gervers explained.

“People were worried about the safety of the Ark, and when they heard troops were approaching feared they had come to steal it. All those inside the cathedral were forced out into the square,” Plaut was quoted as saying.

About 1,000 people were believed to be in the church complex at the time of the attack. The EEPA said the massacre was carried out by Ethiopian federal troops and allied Amhara militia that are fighting the Tigray People’s Liberation Front.

The church and and the Ark have likely not been damaged, Plaut added.

The fighting began in Tigray since Nov. 4 when the region’s ruling political party Tigray People’s Liberation Front captured the Northern Command army base in the regional capital Mekelle as part of an uprising, after which Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed ordered a military offensive. Abiy claimed on Nov. 28 that the Ethiopian National Defense Force had regained “full command” of Mekelle.

However, humanitarian workers say the fighting continues.

Tensions escalate between Ethiopia and Sudan

DW | The already-uneasy relationship between the two countries is showing signs of simmering over into protracted conflict. But how did it reach this point?

Tensions between Ethiopia and Sudan continued to escalate on Tuesday, less than a week after Sudan accused an Ethiopian military aircraft of crossing into Sudan.

The Sudanese army reportedly advanced to the west of Ethiopia’s Gondar region near the border, while residents and government officials claimed some members of the military looted cattle and burned farmlands belonging to Ethiopian farmers.

Ethiopia-Sudan relations have long hinged on mutual suspicion and disagreements over territory.

A fragile peace between the two countries began to unravel in November 2020 after conflict broke out in Ethiopia’s northern Tigray region along the disputed border.

What’s going on with the border?

The border between Ethiopia and Sudan has been disputed for more than a century, with a number of failed attempts to negotiate an agreement on exactly where the border should run.

Treaties drawn up in 1902 and 1907 between Ethiopia and Britain were intended to define the border between Sudan and Ethiopia.

But Ethiopia has long claimed that parts of the land given to Sudan actually belong to them.

“This issue has been shelved for some time and although there was Ethiopian agriculture activity in these areas, there seemed to be an understanding that it didn’t mean it was Ethiopian land,” William Davison, a senior analyst for Ethiopia at International Crisis Group told DW.

Decades of friction and negotiations seemingly ended in 2008 when a ‘soft border’ compromise was reached between the countries.

However, this agreement began to unravel after Ethiopia’s Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was removed from power in 2018.

The Ethiopia delegation’s head of the 2008 border talks, Abay Tsehaye, was a senior official of the TPLF, which ethnic Amhara leaders have since labeled a secret deal.

Initially, Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s friendly relationship with his Sudanese counterpart was cause for optimism.

“After Abiy Ahmed took power, [Abdalla] Hamdok became the Prime Minister [of Sudan],” Phillip C. Jahn the Resident Representative of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation in Sudan told DW.

“He has spent a long part of his career in Ethiopia, so he knows a lot of people in the TPLF, but he’s also very close to Abiy Ahmed.”

However, attempts to resolve the issue at a regional summit in December 2020 were unsuccessful. Shortly afterwards, clashes between the Sudanese army and Ethiopian shifta forces took place on farmlands in the border area.

“Exactly what has triggered [Sudan’s] assertive move is not clear, but it is that assertiveness that Ethiopia believes goes against the agreements that the parties had to resolve this through negotiations that had led to the tensions,” said Davison.

Tigray conflict sparks Sudanese reaction

Ethiopia is also still reeling from an ongoing armed conflict in the northern Tigray region near the Sudanese border, possibly triggering fears on the Sudan’s side that the Ethiopians may try and take some of the disputed amid the chaos.

“When Amhara nationalists and other elements in Amhara regional state reclaimed territory in Tigray that they say historically was Amhara, they are also looking at regions that were historically part of [Ethiopia],” said Davison.

“This is believed to have led to some concerns in Sudan that the Amhara farmers will consolidate their occupation of these areas which Sudan considered Sudanese.”

Ethiopia’s ambassador in Khartoum, Yibeltal Aemero, also accused the Sudanese military of taking advantage of the Tigray crisis to take control of the disputed land.

“When the Ethiopian National Defense forces moved to Tigray region on November 4, 2020 for the law enforcement majors, the Sudanese army took the advantage and entered deep inside Ethiopian territory, looted properties, burned camps, detained, attacked and killed the Ethiopians while displacing thousands,” said Aemero.

Although Ethiopian government forces declared victory over the TPLF in the northern Tigray region in November, sporadic fighting continues in a number of areas, while the humanitarian situation continues to worsen, prompting calls for access from international aid groups.

Dam friction

Away from the core issue of the border, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam also looms over Ethiopia and Sudan’s tense relationship.

Ethiopia began building the dam in April 2011 about 20 kilometers east of Sudan’s border. Once complete, it will be Africa’s largest hydroelectric power plant. However, no agreement on the use of Nile waters has been reached – much to the concern of Sudan, which relies heavily on the Nile reservoirs for agriculture.

“Sudan was supportive of the Renaissance Dam, which of course can be beneficial to Sudan in terms of electricity, reducing flooding, enhancing irrigation,” explains Davison. “But in the last couple of years Sudan has taken a more assertive stance, it’s stressed its concerns about how the joint operation of the dam and the Sudanese dams are going to be managed…and that’s led to some tensions in the relationship with Ethiopia.”

Is conflict on the horizon?

Despite Sudan’s increasing assertiveness, Jahn said a protracted conflict is not in the best interests of the Sudanese interim government, or the Sudanese people.

“Sudan is in a deep government crisis with hyperinflation,” said Jahn. “It is in the process of negotiating a new government with the rebel groups, the civilian side and the military, which has been repeatedly postponed … Sudan cannot afford this conflict at the moment.”

Still, some civilians are already preparing to get their families near the border out of harm’s way.

“A lot of people in Khartoum are travelling to the east and relocating their family members to the cities,” said Jahn. “So everybody is very afraid of an upcoming conflict.”

But Davison believes that war between Ethiopia and Sudan is “by no means inevitable.”

“We have reached a rather sticky point…but there is also plenty of opportunity for the parties to pull back and take themselves away from the prospect of conflict,” he said.

“The prospect of Ethiopia opening up another major military front is worrying because the country is already very fragile and if it were to have more internal instability that would also have regional ramifications.”